Friday, January 1, 2021

The Plight of the Hazara People of Afghanistan and Pakistan

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Raya Tripathi

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The Plight of the Hazara People of Afghanistan and Pakistan

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Global Views 360

Publication Date

January 1, 2021

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Hazara Children at Bamyan, Afghanistan

Hazara Children at Bamyan, Afghanistan | Source: Sgt. Ken Sca via Wikimedia

The Hazara People, who are mostly found in some regions of Afghanistan and Pakistan, are a mixed race community who are one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in the world. Their situation is not getting better even to this date.

Who are the Hazara people?

The term ‘Hazara' was first used in the 16th century in the memoirs of Babur, to describe people in the region towards the west of Kabul, till Gor or Ghazni. The origins of this community remains disputed, although there are three theories to suggest it. According to the first theory, the Hazaras could be of Turko-Mongol ancestry, descendants of Genghis Khan's army which was left behind by him in Afghanistan.

The second theory goes two millennia back, to the Kushan Dynasty, when Bamiyan in Afghanistan was a Buddhist centre. Supporters of this theory claim that the facial structure of the Hazaras is similar to that of the Buddhist murals and statues (later vandalized by the Taliban) in the region. The third and the most widely accepted theory is that they are mixed race. According to this, certain Mongol tribes travelled to modern-day Afghanistan (then Eastern Persia) and then got integrated into the indigenous peoples, because of which the Hazaras still have some Mongoloid features.

They settled in central Afghanistan, where by the 19th century, half of their population had either been killed or exiled.

Hazaras during the British Raj

Amir Abdul Rahman of Afghanistan | Source: Welcome Collections

Their homeland in the central highlands was invaded by the Pashtun Amir Abdul Rehman, known as Afghanistan's ‘Iron Amir' by the British, forcing them to leave their lands and go into exile in Balochistan.

There were already some Hazaras who had started entering British India, searching for labour jobs such as mining. They also came to Quetta, to work in the construction of the Indian railways. But, due to Rehman's ethnic cleansing, they had to leave.

But one interesting fact is that in 1907, British officer Colonel Claude Jacob made a regiment specially for the Hazaras. The Hazaras had got an image of having martial strength, as the British liked to imagine, because of their possible lineage to Genghis Khan.

The remaining Hazaras, who didn’t qualify for the army, used to go for unskilled labour then, because they did not own any agricultural lands in this new country.

In 1935, there was an earthquake in Quetta, which caused many Hazaras to leave the city for other places. This proved to be a blessing in disguise for them as they started doing semi-skilled labour there and were able to become tailors, mechanics and shopkeepers. Even the Second World War proved to be helpful to them as more Hazaras were recruited as soldiers, some even getting a better position like General Musa Khan, who led the Pakistani army during the 1965 war with India.

What is Hazaras' situation today in Pakistan?

A Kid protesting against genocide of Hazaras in Quetta | Source: Hazara-Birar via Wikimedia

Since partition, the Hazaras have remained an underprivileged minority. In Quetta, they are spread in two slums in the east and west of the city. The two areas are called Mari Abad and Hazara Town. Most of their income is remittance payments from Iran, the Gulf, Europe and Australia.

There are thousands of new Hazara migrants in Quetta escaping the terror of the Taliban in Afghanistan. But in Pakistan, they are persecuted and seen as an alien community, because of two reasons—firstly, because they’re Shia (a minority in Sunni dominated Pakistan), and secondly, because of their facial features which look Central Asian. A third reason has a geopolitical context, a belief that the Hazaras might be having Iranian support.

There are around 900,000 Hazara living in Pakistan, yet this is a vulnerable community. For decades, they have been targeted for being different by the extremists through suicide bombings and shootings. There are regular attacks on their mosques, even on festive days such as Eid. The Pakistani authorities' response to the violence against Hazara community has been to build walls blocking streets leading to their areas, or placing military checkpoints along them. Although it makes at least the Hazara areas relatively safer, it traps them inside these areas which are like Ghettos now.

In an article by the BBC, one resident, Haji Mohammed Musa, said, “Yes, violence here has come down, but we can't go anywhere else in the city. We can't do business any more. We're living in a cage.”

And if they do go outside, there are really rare chances of them coming back alive. Hazara people are scared of going out of their area, and don’t even send their family members out for the fear of being attacked.

The number of Hazara students in Quetta's universities outside Mari Abad and Hazara Town, is said to have decreased in recent years. The Hazaras, trapped inside their Ghetto-like towns, are finding other ways to get rid of their frustration by keeping themselves busy in sports. A form of gymnastics, called Parkour, is getting increasingly popular here. The Hazara boys say it gives them “a feeling of freedom” and that they “forget all their worries”.

The people of Mari Abad are not able to meet the other Hazaras living on the other side of Quetta, in the Hazara Town. They can’t travel there without the fear of being shot or killed.

Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan and Lashkar-i-Jhangvi are two sectarian extremist groups which have targeted the Hazaras.

People of Hazara diaspora protesting against discrimination in Quetta | Source: hazarapeople.com

Around 70,000 Hazaras have fled, mainly to Australia, while hundreds may have drowned during this perilous sea journey.  Even after settling in Australia, the Australian Hazaras are concerned about the 'Talibanization' of Afghanistan. They also held demonstrations in support of the people of their community who have remained behind.

Hazaras' present situation in Afghanistan

The Hazaras have always been persecuted in the predominantly-Sunni Afghanistan, especially by the Taliban. The worst form of violence started when, on August 8, 1998, the Taliban attacked and captured the Mazar-i-Sharif, which was then the only city controlled by the United Front, which is opposed to the Taliban. Within hours, it had started killing people in a frenzy and literally killed “anything that moved”. There were reports about women and girls, especially in the Hazara neighbourhoods, getting abducted and raped. The killings of Hazara men and boys was mainly done out of revenge by the Taliban for the Hazaras’ failed attempt of attacking them in 1997. Hazara fighters killed thousands of Taliban fighters and prisoners in the north in 1997. When Hazara strongholds fell the following year the regime massacred entire communities in revenge.

The Hazaras are confined to a huge open-air prison in central Afghanistan called Hazarajat. They can’t venture out, as there is fear of being killed.

ISIL in Afghanistan | Source: Najibullah Quraishi and Jamie Doran via Al Jazeera

IS-Khurasan, a group affiliated to the so-called Islamic State, is another terror group in Afghanistan which has also proved to be a threat for the Hazaras. In 2016, at least 80 Hazara people died after dual suicide bombings by IS-Khurasan, during protests which were held for electricity transmission line to be routed through Hazarajat. IS-Khurasan stated that it attacked the Hazaras because of their involvement in the war in Syria. Most of the Hazaras, who happen to be Shias, have been recruited in the Iranian army which is an ally of the Al-Asad government. An IS-Khurasan commander told Reuters, “Unless they (the Hazara Shias) stop going to Syria and stop being slaves of Iran, we will definitely continue such attacks.” Poor Afghan Hazaras residing in Iran are offered Iranian citizenship to fight in Syria. Some are even forced to join as fighters. But, this is just an excuse, as the IS-Khurasan would have attacked the Hazaras even had they not joined the Iranian forces fighting for the Shias, because, just like its parent organisation, ISIS, this organisation sees the Shias as 'infidels' or outsiders who are against Islam and therefore, worthy of death.

There were mass graves of Hazaras who were the victims of the Taliban bloodbath in Bamiyan, Afghanistan. A UN team went there to see those graves in 2002, just after the fall of Taliban.

Hopes from the US

The Hazaras, Hindus, Jewish, and other minorities—especially women of all ethnic and religious groups—in Afghanistan, were relieved that finally their nightmares are over, when the US forces started bombing the Taliban in 2001. Hazaras see the US as their liberator. Their hopes will be destroyed if the US withdraws from Afghanistan without completely finishing up the Taliban.

The situation in several places in Afghanistan has become better, where the Taliban is no more. People are able to attend colleges and schools and have more freedom. But the remaining states still suffer at the hands of the Taliban. There are deep scars still left in the country, which are difficult to heal even if the Taliban fades away.

Hazaras in the Covid-era

In Pakistan, the Hazaras were blamed for bringing the virus in their country. Their movement was restricted and they were targeted time and again for spreading the virus in their country.

They even had to face discrimination at workplaces. Mohammad Aman, a prominent Hazara activist, told Institute of development studies, “Places like Civil Hospital and The State Bank of Pakistan have unofficially asked their employees belonging to the Hazara community, including doctors, not to come to work.”

The Hazaras have been quarantined in their areas, Mari Abad and Hazara Town, and are not allowed to move out. Further, no other Pakistanis except the Hazara Shias are quarantined at airports. There is a belief among the Pakistani people that it’s the Hazaras who are bringing the virus from Iran.

Even after so many decades of persecution and mass killings, nothing much has changed in the situation of the Hazaras. They continue to live a life full of fear and abandonment. They left their homelands in Afghanistan, because the Pashtuns and the Taliban persecuted them. They came to Pakistan, where again, they are persecuted for the same reason. Those who left for Iran, were bullied for their Central Asian ancestry or had to fight in wars. Then the remaining who left for Syria, are now stuck and left to die in the Syrian war. There’s no place called home for the Hazaras.

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February 25, 2021 12:44 PM

Constructing Panopticon: Israeli Surveillance Technology and its Implications for the Palestinians

Jeremy Bentham, an English philosopher and social theorist designed ‘Panopticon’ in the late 18th century. The panopticon is an institutional building which Bentham describes as “a new mode of obtaining power of mind over mind in a quantity hitherto without example”. The structure's central observation tower, placed within a circle of prison cells, allows a watchman to monitor the inmates of the building without the dwellers knowing whether or not they are being watched. Although it is physically impossible for a single watchman to observe all the occupants at once, the fact that the inmates cannot know when they are being watched means that they are motivated to act as though they are being watched at all times. Thus, compelling the inmates to regulate their own behaviour.

Michel Foucoault, a French Philosopher, uses panopticon as a metaphor to explore relations between systems of social control and people in a disciplinary situation. For Foucault, the real danger was not that the individuals are repressed by the social order but the fact that when only certain people or groups of people control knowledge, oppression is a possibility. Contemporary society uses technology for the deployment of panoptic structures ‘invisibly’ throughout society.

This article gives an overview of the massive panopticon that is built and operated by Israel in Occupied Palestine.

Israel’s unaccountable military rule over its Palestinian citizens in east Jeruselum, West Bank and Gaza Strip have kept the Palestinians under constant surveillance and control. As per a report by Amitai Ziv on Haaretz, Israel’s surveillance operation against Palestinians is (as of 2019) “among the largest of its kind in the world. It includes monitoring the media, social media and the population as a whole.”

Among various mechanisms of surveillance, the technological mechanisms of surveillance and control deployed or proposed in the region of Gaza Strip is most empowering to Israel in terms of gathering ‘intelligence’. This includes use of biometric identity cards, Israeli access to Palestinian census data, almost complete access to and control of the telecommunication infrastructure in the Gaza Strip, the ability to track individuals via cell phone, large surveillance zeppelins which monitor the entire electromagnetic spectrum and which can usurp control of these from Palestinian operators (for instance sending text messages to subscribers targeting different demographics) as well as optical surveillance, facial recognition technology, remote controlled and robotic machine gun towers guarding the border that are capable of identifying a target and opening fire automatically—without human intervention.

In the context of occupation, the use of biometric ID cards of Israeli citizens is the sharpest seepage of control technologies.  For a long time, Israel has used a system of differentiated ID cards to distinguish between Jewish and Non-Jewish, citizens and residents of Israel, and citizens and residents of the occupied territories.

These ID cards also have a record of ethnic/religious affiliation of the person, and the ID numbers themselves are coded so as to reflect this information. One’s status of whether they are an Israeli or Palestinian, whether they are a citizen or a resident determines their freedom to travel, their ability to find jobs, and even their ability to get married and avail social benefits.  The Palestinians in East Jerusalem—which was annexed after the 1967 war—are considered as “conditional residents” and not citizens. According to a Human Rights Watch report, a resident of Palestine occupied Israel reported that the Israeli authorities refused to issue birth certificates to his five children, all born in Jerusalem. Other Jerusalem residents without residency status, in their testimonials, described being unable to legally work; obtain social welfare benefits; attend weddings and funerals; or visit gravely ill relatives abroad, for fear Israeli authorities would refuse to allow them to return home.

Another significant technological mechanism is the Facial recognition technology which has found its way into use by Israeli police. Facial recognition system, a globally controversial and scientifically flawed system is being used by the police force in Israel to identify protestors and is also implemented at airports and border crossings.

Israel has also ratcheted its social media surveillance, especially Facebook, Palestinians’ preferred platform. In October 2015, Israeli invasion at the Al-Aqsa Mosque angered several Palestinians. Many teenagers who didn’t belong to military wing or the Palestinian political faction orchestrated the attacks. The Israeli government blamed the social media for instigating the attacks and the military intelligence increased the monitoring of Palestinian social media accounts. Consequently, over 800 Palestinians were arrested for their posts on social media, particularly Facebook. It was later revealed that these arrests were a result of a policing system which uses algorithms to build profiles of supposed Palestinian attackers. This system proctors thousands of Palestinian Facebook accounts sifting for words like shaheed (martyr), Zionist state, Al Quds (Jerusalem), or Al Aqsa. Further, the algorithm identifies a “suspect” based on ‘prediction’ of violence. These targets are marked suspicious and are a potential target for arrest on the grounds of “incitement to violence”. The term incitement refers to all types of resistance to Israeli practices. The Israeli Army declared Military order 1651 in 2010, according to which, anyone who “attempts, orally or otherwise, to influence public opinion in the West Bank area in a manner which may harm public peace or public order” or “publishes words of praise, sympathy or support for a hostile organization, its actions or objectives,” will serve a jail time of 10 years. The order defines this as “incitement”. One notable instance has been the poetry of Dareen Tatour. She is a Palestinian citizen of Israel. She expressed her call to “resist” the occupiers through a poem she posted online in October 2015. The video had less than 300 views. But it resulted in nearly three years of house arrest and five months imprisonment. The Israeli government charged Tatour with inciting violence and terrorism while her poem was a call for a non-violent resistance. This incident is a classic demonstration of how Israel uses vague terminology to criminalize online activity when it serves its discriminatory interests.  

Israel’s military industrial complex is a profound enabler of the digital surveillance of Palestinians. The nation not only implements surveillance and control but also manufactures and exports a massive amount of military and cyber security technologies. A report published by Privacy International—an NGO that investigates government surveillance and companies—in 2016—stated that Israel has about 27 surveillance companies which is the highest per capita in terms of surveillance that any country has in the world.

The Guardian collected testimonies from people who worked in the Israeli Intelligence Corps to understand the big brother surveillance of the Palestinians. One of the testimonies revealed that commoners and even completely innocent people were under the radar of surveillance. The attestor stated “As a soldier in Unit 8200, I collected information on people accused of either attacking Israelis, trying to attack Israelis, desiring to harm Israelis, and considering attacking Israelis. I also collected information on people who were completely innocent, and whose only crime was that they interested the Israeli security system for various reasons. For reasons they had absolutely no way of knowing. All Palestinians are exposed to non-stop monitoring without any legal protection. Junior soldiers can decide when someone is a target for the collection of information. There is no procedure in place to determine whether the violation of the individual’s rights is necessarily justifiable. The notion of rights for Palestinians does not exist at all. Not even as an idea to be disregarded.”

Another testimonial exposed that the data collected was hardly in accordance with the security needs. The testimony stated, “Throughout my service, I discovered that many Israeli initiatives within the Palestinian arena are directed at things that are not related to intelligence. I worked a lot on gathering information on political issues. Some could be seen as related to objectives that serve security needs, such as the suppression of Hamas institutions, while others could not. Some were political objectives that did not even fall within the Israeli consensus, such as strengthening Israel’s stance at the expense of the Palestinian position. Such objectives do not serve the security system but rather agendas of certain politicians. One project in particular, was shocking to many of us as we were exposed to it. The information was almost directly transferred to political players and not to other sections of the security system. This made it clear to me that we were dealing with information that was hardly connected to security needs. We knew the detailed medical conditions of some of our targets, and our goals developed around them. I’m not sure what was done with this information. I felt bad knowing each of their precise problems, and that we would talk and laugh about this information freely. Or, for instance, that we knew exactly who was cheating on their wife, with whom, and how often.”

While hidden and unknown surveillance is prominent, Israel has also imposed explicit panopticon surveillance and restrictions on Palestinians in numerous cases. In the village of Beit Ijza, northwest of Jerusalem, the house of Gharib’s family has been enclosed by a 6-meter-high fence, cutting them off from their olive gardens and rest of the village as Israel claimed ownership of the land surrounding the Gharib family's house and created a West Bank settlement over there. The house was built in 1979 on land the family says has belonged to them from as far back as the Ottoman era. “Ever since Israel occupied the West Bank, Jews have been offering my father to sell the house,” Gharib says. “They even brought him a suitcase of money. He refused.” Now, their every move is filmed as cameras have been set up on the bars of the fence. Along with loss of privacy, the panopticon internalized omniscience prevents the Gharib family from taking radical steps to protect their rights. In Israeli military language this is called an “indicative fence” which is also equipped with sensors.  When the fence was built, the family had to negotiate by phone with the police at the nearby Atarot industrial zone every time they wanted to go out and or they had to get the Red Cross to help out. “Sometimes we waited for several hours for them to come and open it” Gharib said.

Constant surveillance in real life as well as digital space is definitely a critical human rights violation. While the case of Palestinians is unique given the Israeli military occupation, the fight for their rights is global. World leaders, governments, civil societies, social media giants and all internet users have an essential role in the battle for a surveillance and censorship free state.

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