Monday, January 11, 2021

CAA-NRC-Inspired Protests in India - A Brief Explainer of Who Protested and Why

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Syed Ahmed Uzair

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CAA-NRC-Inspired Protests in India - A Brief Explainer of Who Protested and Why

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Global Views 360

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January 11, 2021

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A look at Anti-CAA protests at Shaheen Bagh

A look at Anti-CAA protests at Shaheen Bagh | Source: DTM via Wikimedia

The protests against the CAA-NRC legislation that India has witnessed ever since its implementation under the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have been unique in multiple aspects. For starters, these protests have been dubbed as the “second freedom struggle” of India. The mass protests that India has witnessed have also been unique in the fact that they are the largest opposition the ruling BJP has encountered ever since it came to power in 2014 riding on the back of a very comfortable and strong majority. But perhaps, the most salient feature of the CAA-NRC inspired protests is the fact that it has caught the political establishment off-guard.

While India is no stranger to the concept of mass public protests, the magnitude and intensity of the anti CAA-NRC protests has been massive. While the reasons might vary based on the region, the protests at their very core have been aimed at getting the highly contentious CAA-NRC legislation scrapped. While in the North-Eastern states like Assam people have been protesting to safeguard their cultural and demographic uniqueness, in the rest of the states the protesters have justified their stance by citing that the law is unconstitutional in employing religion to grant citizenship. While these protests may not be very well coordinated, they have revolved around a strong anti-government stand against the CAA-NRC legislation. These protests have yet again shown that while people might have voted the BJP to power, not all of them agree with their extremist Hindutva ideologies.

The government’s attempts to curb these protests by draconian measures like internet shutdowns, imposing section 144 to prevent people from banding together, and rounding up political activists has been met with fierce resistance by the protesters. Across the nation people have defied bans on public gatherings and fought back against the government’s efforts to prevent and dismantle the protests. The message has been clear. Try as much as they may, the government shall not be allowed to dismantle the secular fabric of the nation with their attempts at glorifying Hindu nationalism to promote the ultimate goal of a Hindu nation.

The CAA-NRC legislation has sparked a much stronger reaction as compared to other projects that the BJP government has aggressively pushed for under their extremist Hindutva policy. Hence, while the revocation of Article 370, criminalisation of triple talaq and the Supreme Court verdict on the Ram Mandir-Babri Masjid dispute may not have inspired a very strong reaction against the BJP, the CAA-NRC legislation has brought together scores of people from across the nation together against the quite evident attempt at dividing the Indian society on the basis of religion. This by far might be the most concerted attempt by the BJP to push their Hindu nationalist agenda forward and has inspired an equally strong resistance from the people.

That the BJP-led political establishment had not anticipated such widespread resistance to the CAA-NRC legislation is evident from the fact that they have been completely taken aback from the response of the people. This was evident from the fact that while the Home Minister Amit Shah echoed plans for a nationwide NRC, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, denied any concrete plans for a nationwide NRC in a rally!

BJP Legislator Sanjeev Balyan | Source: Wikimedia

The political leaders form the BJP have admitted that they did not expect such widespread protests against the CAA-NRC legislation. “I really did not see the protests coming,” Sanjeev Balyan, a ruling party legislator and junior federal minister, told Reuters. The protests have forced the otherwise dominant BJP government to fall back to its allies and opponents earlier side lined when the legislation was passed, in order to dissolve this apparent crisis.

While the BJP, on expected lines has tried to communalize the protests by terming them too Muslim, the common perception surrounding the protests has not been a movement by the Muslims but rather Indians. Granted that the Muslims might have been in the lead given the fact that they are the ones most threatened by the CAA-NRC legislation. However, the protests have been anything but majority Muslim.

While the BJP led government and its staunch supporters maintain that the protesters are confused regarding the CAA-NRC legislation and are trying to brainwash people into protesting against the government, it can be seen rather easily that this is not the case. People from diverse spheres of life have come together to protest against the legislation. These include students from esteemed universities in India and abroad, political activists, celebrities, and lawyers and advocates. It would be rather foolish and ignorant to believe that they are not aware of the issue against which they are protesting.

While the protests may have died out in the light of the coronavirus pandemic that has engulfed the nation severely, it remains to be seen as to how the Modi-led BJP government will respond to the protests that will most certainly come back as soon as the situation normalizes in the country. For now, however, one can only wait and watch as the nation grapples with the raging covid-19 pandemic and rising unemployment and economic decline.

Who has been protesting, so far?

Three women protesters saving their male friend from thrashing of police at Jamia Millia Islamia | Source: Counter Currents

It is crucial to remember that the protests ignited in the aftermath of the brutal, inhumane and shameful action by police forces in universities like the Jami Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University. The crackdown by security forces in these two universities, which resulted in students being injured severely, and hostel rooms, libraries and mosques being destroyed attracted international attention with many esteemed universities in India and abroad condemning the action of the forces.

The most important effect of this crackdown on JMI and AMU students was that it ignited a wave of protests across the country thus resulting in widespread resistance across the nation. Scores of people from diverse religions, educational backgrounds and political affiliations gathered together across major cities in the nation to protest against the government. However, they were not protesting only against the CAA-NRC legislation. What started as a protest against the highly controversial CAA-NRC legislation soon turned into a massive uncoordinated and yet powerful resistance movement against the rising unemployment, economic decline, rampant communal violence and the CAA-NRC legislation of course. The people were protesting to preserve the very soul of the nation- the secular fabric of India that has ensured that the nation as a sovereign state be a sanctuary to people from diverse religions, cultures and ethnicities, ever since it got its independence from colonial rule in 1947.

They were fighting to preserve everything that India has stood for all these years- the unity in diversity, peace, brotherhood and love. And in doing so, people and political activists from diverse spectrums got united in what has been termed as India’s second freedom struggle! In the aftermath of the violent crackdown by security forces in JMI and AMU, political parties such as the Congress, the Trinamool Congress, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) organized marches across the country. Many State governments have also started protesting against the CAA-NRC legislation and have passed resolutions in the state assembly. The Rajiv Gandhi University Students’ Union (RGUSU) organized a sit-in protest early in January 2020 in the campus against the CAA-NRC legislation. The Student Union president Dopum Sonam termed them ‘unwanted’ declared that the RGUSU stood in solidarity with the students at JNU. RGU Research Scholars’ Forum (RGURSF) General Secretary Prem Taba said “We are extremely anguished by the brutal violence at JNU. It is terrifying and a potential threat to the country’s students''.

The environment surrounding major Indian cities has been very dynamic ever since the CAA-NRC legislation was passed. Women and people took to the streets and had been protesting for weeks together before the COVID-19 pandemic arrived forcing them to vacate the protest sites that have sprung up across the nation in line with the Shaheen Bagh protests in Delhi that had attracted global attention. Dozens of ‘Shaheen Baghs’ propped up across major Indian cities like Lucknow, Bhopal, Raipur, Allahabad, Pune, and Kolkata. It was like the entire nation was on satyagraha against the ruling government.

At the Mansoor Ali Khan Park in Roshan Bagh, Allahabad, women and people get together to protest peacefully against the CAA-NRC legislation as well as the police brutality. “If women in Delhi can protest in freezing cold, why can’t we?” asks Sameena holding her five-year-old in arms as Rashida quips, “We will not budge this law is off our back.” In Pune, Zakia Khan, a college student has been missing her lectures just to be  a part of the protests at the Konark Indrayu mall, organized by Qul Jamaat-e-Tanzeem. “We want to show that women can also come together and protest for their right. We are thankful to Dr BR Ambedkar for including the right to protest in the Constitution,” Zakia says.

The crackdown on students and protesters in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Assam and other places suggests that the state has been somewhat intimidated by this uprising and is trying to curb it over fears of more Muslims, Dalits and people from all faiths and cultures uniting together to showcase the truly secular soul of India. These protests are a testament to the fact that Indians respect and uphold the secular status of the nation as guaranteed by the constitution which provides each and every citizen with fundamental rights.

Art at Anti-CAA protest at Shaheen Bagh | Source: Wikimedia

Another unique aspect of these protests has been employing various forms of art to deliver silent yet powerful messages. People are expressing their resistance to the Narendra Modi led BJP government using creative banners, street art, slogans and graffities. From poetry to comedy and even memes, the plethora of creative art forms being employed to voice dissent is delivering a silent yet very powerful message. People from all generations and cultures are united in their stand against the Hindutva extremist policies that the BJP government has aggressively promoted in its entire tenure. The widespread protests against the CAA-NRC legislation have once again proven that the people of India do not believe in the extremist Hindutva ideology of the ruling BJP government. Quite evidently, these protests have come as a huge setback to the BJP government which has always enjoyed strong majority support.

The Assertion of Constitutional Rights by the Muslim Citizenry:

While it would be wrong to say that these protests have centred mostly around Muslims, the way they have protested across the nation has been remarkable. Most importantly Muslims have managed to create a new political identity by raising their voices against the Hindu Nationalist agenda that the BJP government employs aggressively to mobilize popular support of the majority.

Muslims in India have long struggled for political representation. The current Lok Sabha has only 25 Muslims out of 543 members. This roughly translates to a meagre 4.5% compared to the Indian Muslim population which stands at nearly 14.2% of the total population. In January 2018, BJP, the ruling party in India had only four Muslim MLAs out of a total of 1,418 MLAs. Bias against the Muslims has also been evident in the misconduct by police forces across various regions of the country and the rising cases of mob lynching and communal violence against Muslims ever since the BJP came to power in 2014.

However, despite the growing alienation of the minorities in general and the Muslims in particular under the Modi-led government, the latter has not resorted to radical means to fight back. Rather Muslims have increasingly adopted the power given to them by the Indian constitution as the biggest weapon in their fight against the aggressive Hindu nationalism that the BJP has invoked across the nation. In doing so they have aligned with a majority of the Indian population that does not believe in the Hindutva ideologies of the BJP. As per the findings of the CSDS-NES survey of 2019, a large majority of Indians do not believe in the idea. The survey indicates that 75% Hindus reject the Hindutva propaganda, not believing in the idea that India belongs to the Hindus or is a natural Hindu homeland.

It also points out that the majority of the Muslims in the country believe in the secular structure with only 6% falling out of favour with the same.

The Indian Constitution safeguards the interests of the minorities, including the religious minorities and allows people to gather together to reclaim their rights through peaceful protest and expression of dissent when the state adopts policies that violate their rights. This is what Gandhi did in the freedom struggle of India against the Britishers and this is exactly what Muslims throughout the country are doing- they are protesting to claim their right of being an Indian citizen.

So, when Salman Imtiaz, president of AMU Students’ Union opines in his column on The Hindu that Jamia and AMU are evolving into epicentres of national awareness, he invokes this newfound identity as the basis of student protests at these premier institutions that shook the entire nation apart and attracted international recognition. Thus, these protests against the CAA-NRC legislation have the potential to reinforce the declining Muslim identity into the larger scheme of things such as politics, judiciary and education.

Even Muslim scholars have not been immune to this newfound identity. They can be seen in Numerous YouTube videos asking people to continue protesting non-violently. A majority of them have been invoking the spirit of Hindu-Muslim solidarity and brotherhood. While this may not be the first instance of Muslim scholars asserting the secular fabric of India, it is quite certainly a radical departure from the traditional ideologies of the Muslim scholars in the country. While the idea of India as a secular republic and a sanctuary for people belonging to all faiths and cultures has been celebrated by Muslims for a long time, it is quite evident that the protests against the CAA-NRC legislation have only strengthened this belief in the Muslims of the country.

While the majority of the political parties and the judiciary of the country have remained silent on the issue of religious minorities for a very long time, the Muslims of India aren’t silent any more. They have rediscovered this new identity in the form of symbols like the tricolour, the preamble, portraits of Gandhi and BR Ambedkar that dominate their protests against CAA-NRC. The most encouraging factor however has been the fact that this passionate resistance by the Muslims has not been shaped by their ‘representatives’ as has been the case for a very long time. Rather, the Muslim community this time around is representing itself independently, led by its youth and women.

Chandrashekhar Azad Ravan in Jama Masjid, Delhi at an anti-CAA protest | Source: Shakeeb Kpa via Wikimedia

This refined idea of independent representation through the powers granted by the Constitution has been crucial to the entire CAA-NRC inspired resistance. Muslim protesters have been cautious not to make it a religious issue, but rather an ‘attack on the spirit of the Constitution’. Thus, scenes like Chandrashekhar Azad holding a copy of the Constitution with the photo of BR Ambedkar at Jama Masjid and Kanhaiya Kumar’s Azadi song at Shaheen Bagh are a few instances of how this new Muslim political representation is going to shape up in the years to come.

While no one can ascertain the fate of the movement against the CAA-NRC legislation in the wake of OVID-19 pandemic, this newly found identity of an Indian Muslim is here to stay and shall redefine the meaning of nationalism and secularism in the country in future.

With the COVID-19 pandemic continuing to worsen every day in the nation however, it remains to be seen as to how the protests will shape up again once the situation in the country normalizes.

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February 18, 2021 12:47 PM

Story of Rakesh Tikait: Farmer Leader Whose Tears were More Powerful Than the UP Government

On the evening of 28th January, 2021‚ Rakesh Tikait—national spokesperson of the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU)—had an emotional outburst—while addressing the media. His outburst however became a major call back to the farmers across the Western Uttar Pradesh and was a turning point in the protest of the Centre’s new farm reform laws. But who is Rakesh Tikait? And how did he emerge as the new face of the protest? These are the questions which this article is going to answer.

51-year-old Rakesh Tikait hails from Sisauli village of Muzaffarnagar district, Uttar Pradesh. He is the second son of the elder farmer leader, late Mahendra Singh Tikait, who was the president of the Indian Farmers Union. Rakesh Tikait also has four brothers, the eldest one being Naresh Tikait—the national president of the BKU. Rakesh Tikait married Sunita Devi from Dadri village in Baghpat district in 1985. They have a son Charan Singh and two daughters, Seema and Jyoti. Tikait holds a Master of Arts degree from Meerut University.

Tikait joined the Delhi police force in 1985. He was a part of the police force until 1992—an year before which his father Mahendra Singh Tikait held a series of protests against the enhanced rate of fertilisers, hike in electricity rates, and regulation in supply of sugarcane to the sugar mills. He also pitched in for local farmers who were seeking higher compensation for land acquired on the outskirts of Lucknow for setting up a TELCO unit. The movement started fading due to pressure from the government. Hence, Rakesh decided to quit his job in 1993-94 and started taking part in the farmers’ fight with BKU. In the recent past, he has contested two elections, one on a Rashtriya Lok Dal ticket and another as an Independent, but was unsuccessful both times.

As the Tikait family hails from Sisauli, Muzaffarnagar, the family heads Baliyan Khap of 84 villages, giving it considerable influence within the Jat community of Western UP and Haryana.

Due to the Jat community's custom of passing on authority to the eldest son, Tikait’s elder brother Naresh Tikait took over the mantle of both the BKU and Baliyan Khap from Mahendra Singh Tikait. The BKU also has strong influence among the Malik and Deshwal Khaps. The Tikait brothers have been trying to live up to the towering standards that their father has set. Mahendra Singh Tikait was a well-knows figure among both Hindu and Muslim farmers of Western UP, who had shared economic interests.

He has led numerous massive demonstrations against the Centre and state government on farmers' issues and was the voice of farmers. In 1988, lakhs of farmers gathered at Boat Club in the heart of Delhi and placed their 35 point charter of demands, seeking various concessions for farmers including higher prices for sugarcane, cancellation of loans, lowering of water tax and waiver of electricity dues. The protest was Tikait’s biggest protest which eventually brought the Rajiv Gandhi government to its knees.

In 2007, Rakesh Tikait, for the first time contested independently from Khatauli, Muzaffarnagar. In 2014, Rakesh Tikait Joined the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and contested the 2014 Lok Sabha elections from Amroha. This came as a shock to many as Tikait had been critical of RLD and some argue a BJP supporter. A striking case in point being Mahapanchayat in Muzaffarnagar in 2013 that led to communal riots in west UP was in fact jointly addressed by leaders of BKU and BJP.

“I had to choose between RLD and others. I found RLD better. It is the party that has taken up the issue of farmers,” Tikait told the Times of India. However, Tikait failed in both his attempts.

Rakesh Tikait has constantly been the voice of farmers. In 2014, Tikait organized the Dunkal movement at the Red Fort in Delhi demanding the government to increase the price of millet in the interest of farmers of Rajasthan. Tikait’s demonstrations against the government landed him in Jaipur Jail. However, his protests were successful as the government eventually agreed to the farmers’ demand.  

The ongoing farmers protest lost support after the unfortunate events which took place at Red Fort on 26th of January. On this day, the Indian tricolor was allegedly disrespected, several farmers and policemen were victims of violence, the protest aggravated to an extent where a farmer even lost his life. The leaders and the decision makers of the movement did not realize that it is always difficult to control and discipline a rally. A rally on move is more vulnerable to anti-social elements and government linked saboteurs to blend with the crowd and create mayhem. This not only discredited the farmers’ movement but over 13 prominent leaders of the movement including Yogendra Yadav were detained by the police. On 28th of January, Tikait’s turned emotional as he said “ I saw the BJP MLA [allegedly identified by the farmers as Loni MLA Nand Kishore Gurjar] who had come here to attack our elders, my sardar brothers. I could not let that happen, they have all come here on my call, I am responsible for them. This is wrong, the people have chosen them, the people cannot be harmed. I had told the government that I would surrender, but it is my responsibility to make sure all my farmers are safe. I knew what could happen if the police took them if they left from here on their tractor’s trolleys. I knew when they reached Hapur and beyond, BJP and RSS workers would begin pelting stones on them. I cannot let that happen. The farmer was never scared, the farmer will never be scared. Those who incited violence on (January 26th) must be investigated by the government. Tell people the truth.” With a parched throat and welling eyes he said, “I will drink water when the farmers send it from their homes.” This emotional video went viral across Uttar Pradesh through WhatsApp and television telecast. Hundreds of people packed food and water and set off from Uttar Pradesh to reach Delhi. They all broke their fast after Tikait sipped the water that they brought. Tikait’s tears not only guarded the Ghazipur protest site from what seemed like a crackdown but he also reignited the spark and revived the dying protest.

Rakesh Tikait addressing press | Source: Twitter

Critics said that the government had committed a blunder by falsely assuming that the protest had lost its support and sympathy amongst the public after the unfortunate events of Jan 26th. The police did not face much difficulty vacating the camps at the Ghazipur border by late evening of 28th Jan. The government too perceived Tikait as a loose canon and an irresponsible leader. Furthermore, the police did not detain Tikait along with other leaders. At a point of time, he was the only leader left on the stage at the protest site in Ghazipur. Critics speculate that they did not detain him as he previously was a supporter of BJP and in fact voted for the party in the 2019 elections and hence the BJP thought they could still convince him to take a middle ground and further dilute the movement.  However, Tikait turned the tables on the administration. His address resonated across the entire Jat community of western UP, which till then had been passive in extending support to him. The Yogi government cannot afford to take any more chances as the “Jat land” has firmly supported BJP for the past six years, especially after the Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013. In addition to this, since the Yogi government came to power in 2017, they have increased the state advised price of Sugarcane by only Rs.10 per quintal. The state advised price for 2020-21 has not been announced yet although the crushing operations have begun at mills as early as November 2020. What is more is that the UP government owes the farmers over Rs.12,000 crore against the cane purchased in the current and the previous season. In UP, a greater source of farmer anger apart from the three reform laws and the SAP of sugarcane is for doubling electricity charges for both irrigation pumps and domestic use. The hike in diesel price by Rs.10/L in one year has further fueled their anger.

Now, a Kisan Mahapnachayat is also taking place in Muzaffarnagar. The same district where the Mahapanchayat was held after the riots in Muzaffarnagar. The latter Mahapanchayat played a crucial role in the 2017 elections.

The Indian Farmers Union has constantly been in talk with the government. Rakesh Tikait has once again been the voice of farmers. Now, the government has to decide whether the movement will end or not given that the Farmers are demanding a complete withdrawal of all three laws.

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